The strategy, issued by President Donald Trump in an executive order, is aimed at advancing U.S. military industrial capacity and faster arms deliveries.

March 2026
By Jeff Abramson and Michael T. Klare

U.S. President Donald Trump issued an executive order aimed at advancing U.S. military industrial capacity and faster arms deliveries. Titled the “America First Arms Transfer Strategy,” the order made no mention of human rights and referenced few of the many dangers that could be associated with the misuse of U.S.-supplied weapons.

F-35 and F-15 fighter jets perform a flyover in the skies above Washington, D.C. in November. U.S. President Donald Trump’s new arms sale strategy, which prioritizes allies who invest in their own defense, have called into question whether NATO and other partners will continue to buy U.S.-made weapons or instead build their own. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

As explained in a fact sheet accompanying the Feb. 6 order, the first priority for arms transfers will be to “build production capacity for weapons that are more operationally relevant” to the U.S. National Security Strategy. The strategy will “prioritize partners that have invested in their own self-defense and have a critical role or geography” and directs the secretaries of defense, state, and commerce to develop an arms sales catalog and continue an earlier directive to improve the speed of sales.

The mention of partners’ own self-defense is an unspecified reference to NATO and the administration’s push for allied countries to build their own defense capacities, as well as take on a greater burden in Ukraine. In 2025, NATO countries agreed to spend 5 percent of their gross domestic product on defense-related spending by 2035, a significant increase from their pre-existing 2-percent pledge.

Efforts to put that promise into effect have called into question whether NATO allies and other partners would continue to buy U.S. weapons or instead build their own.

Spain’s 2025 decision to cancel purchase of U.S. F-35 jet fighters, Switzerland’s possible scaling back in the face of cost increases, and Canada’s ongoing review of its participation in the program have added uncertainty to the size of future purchases of U.S. weapons.

Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and Secretary of State Marco Rubio appeared to indirectly address this issue in a Feb. 16 USA Today editorial. In it, they explained the new U.S. approach would build “exportability into our systems” so that partners could buy not only “exquisite” systems but also those “good enough systems that are inexpensive and more rapidly produced.”

The strategy calls for establishing an end use monitoring coordinating group, which appears to be primarily tasked with reducing the risk of diverting arms deliveries, not assessing whether weapons are used to commit human rights or other abuses. It also requires quarterly reports on foreign military sales, nominally to improve transparency, but functionally also to address claims that the process moves too slowly.

The new strategy was not unanticipated. In April, Trump rescinded President Joe Biden’s conventional arms transfer policy and reinstated the first Trump administration policy, which placed greater importance on business and included much less fulsome human rights considerations. (See ACT, May 2023.)

Certain members of Congress have been pushing for measures that would speed arms sales, in part by changing the dollar thresholds at which lawmakers would be notified of pending sales. Two of those members, House Foreign Affairs Committee chair Brian Mast (R-Fla.) and the committee’s foreign arms sales taskforce chair Ryan Zinke (R-Mont.) applauded Trump’s executive order in a Feb. 9 press release.

Not all members of Congress have been happy with Trump’s actions in relation to arms sales oversight. In January, the administration formally notified Congress of $6 billion in arms sales to Israel, disregarding a common and longstanding process that gives the chair and ranking members of House Foreign Affairs Committee and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee the ability to place holds on proposed sales before formal notification.

Rep. Gregory Meeks of New York, senior Democrat on the House committee, said Jan. 30 that “President Trump has again made abundantly clear his disregard for Congress as a coequal branch of government and for the American people we represent.”

Meanwhile, on Dec. 17, the Defense Security Cooperation Agency informed Congress of its intent to supply Taiwan with eight arms packages worth a total of $11 billion. The Trump administration indicated that the sales are intended to enhance Taiwan’s self-defense capabilities and, by extension, to deter a Chinese invasion of the island. Trump has been pressing Taiwan and other U.S. allies to spend more on defense, and these sales—the largest combined arms package ever offered Taiwan—reflect that outlook.

However, the huge size and price tag of the package have provoked strenuous opposition from China at a time when the White House reportedly seeks less contentious relations with Beijing and there exists reinforced opposition in Taiwan’s parliament to increased military spending and arms imports.

Illegal U.S.-Israel Attacks Not Justifiable on Nonproliferation Grounds

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President Trump’s premeditated, illegal attack on Iran aimed at regime change is an illegal war of choice, it is not supported by the American people, it was not authorized by Congress as required by Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution and the 1973 War Powers Act, and it is a grave violation of international. law, including the UN Charter.

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Statement on U.S.-Israel strikes against Iran

February 28, 2026

President Trump's premeditated, illegal attack on Iran aimed at regime change is an illegal war of choice, it is not supported by the American people, it was not authorized by Congress as required by Article 1, Section 8 of the Constitution and the 1973 War Powers Act, and it is a grave violation of international law.

The combined U.S. and Israeli attacks on Iran are not justifiable on nonproliferation grounds. There was no imminent nuclear threat from Iran that justifies this reckless, brazen attack that has metastasized into a major regional conflict.

Trump and his aides have in recent days and hours claimed, without credible evidence, that Iran had restarted its nuclear program, had enough available nuclear material to build a bomb within days and was developing long-range missiles that could "soon" be capable of hitting the United States. All three of these claims are false.

This is the second time in less than a year that the United States and Israel, both nuclear-armed states, have launched attacks on Iran in the midst of ongoing U.S.-Iranian negotiations regarding Tehran's nuclear program.

As the Omani Foreign Minister and mediator of the talks reported just hours before Trump's attacks on Feb. 28, the U.S.-Iranian negotiations were very serious and making significant progress toward an effective, verifiable, lasting deal that could have blocked Iran's capabilities to build nuclear weapons.

The United States could have and should have negotiated in good faith with Iran to arrive at effective solutions that address concerns about Iran’s nuclear program and stockpiles of enriched uranium, including by securing the return of International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors who were ejected from Iran following the June 2025 U.S.-Israeli attacks. The return of the inspectors will be further delayed in the midst of a potentially drawn-out conflict. Without effective monitoring, the whereabouts and security of Iran's nuclear material will now become even more uncertain.

Although Iran's current leadership is repressive and the Iranian people deserve to choose their own government, war is not the answer. The U.S. Congress and responsible states around the world have a solemn moral and legal duty to oppose this rogue aggression, beginning with emergency legislation and international mediation to stop further hostilities by all sides.

Daryl G. Kimball, Executive Director, Thomas Countryman, Chair of the Board of Directors, and Kelsey Davenport, Director for Nonproliferation Policy 

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Tell Congress: No Funding for Nuclear Testing

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For the first time in decades, a U.S. president is threatening to restart nuclear weapons testing — a dangerous and unnecessary move that would put countless lives, communities, and even our planet at risk. This issue is too important to our future for our elected officials to stay silent. Let your representative know that we cannot allow Trump to drag us further into a disastrous global arms race.

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For the first time in decades, a U.S. president is threatening to restart nuclear weapons testing — a dangerous and unnecessary move that would put countless lives, communities, and even our planet at risk.

Past U.S. nuclear tests — including above-ground tests conducted decades ago from Nevada to New Mexico to the Marshall Islands — spread radioactive fallout that poisoned entire communities and ecosystems, leaving a legacy of cancer and contamination that continues today. And while testing methods have changed, restarting any type of explosive tests today would knowingly recreate that suffering and shatter the global taboo that has helped keep our world safe for more than 30 years. 

Experts agree that there is no military or technical justification for explosive nuclear weapons testing, but there are potentially devastating consequences if we test again. Other countries have already signaled that if the U.S. resumes nuclear weapons testing, they will follow suit, further fueling the global nuclear arms race now underway.

Congress has the power to stop this — they can block any funding that would allow explosive nuclear weapons testing to resume. This issue is too important to our future for our elected officials to stay silent.


Email your Rep today: Let your representative know that we cannot allow Trump to drag us further into a disastrous global arms race. Your voice matters.

 

Firebreaks: Mitigating the Risks of AI Integration into Nuclear Operations

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ACA has partnered with the UC Berkeley Risk & Security Lab and the European Leadership Network to bring together leading scholars of AI policy and nuclear weapons operations to develop a menu of specific, targeted, and actionable policies for mitigating AI integration risks.

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The Firebreaks project addresses Carnegie Corporation of New York’s call for solutions to address how and where technological developments affect nuclear risks and identify solutions for reducing these dangers. Through this project, the Arms Control Association (ACA), Berkeley Risk and Security Lab (BRSL), and the European Leadership Network will deliver a comprehensive menu of specific options to further advance the conversation on artificial intelligence (AI) safety and security in nuclear operations.

Learn more here: https://europeanleadershipnetwork.org/firebreaks-mitigating-the-risks-of-ai-integration-into-nuclear-operations/

 

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